1. United States
2. Texas
3. Letter

I am writing to you today not as a member of any party, but as an American citizen who believes in the rule of law and the constitutional framework upon which this nation was built. I am writing because that framework is under serious strain — and because the responsibility to defend it falls squarely on the shoulders of Congress. THE CONSTITUTIONAL MANDATE Article I, Section 9, Clause 7 of the United States Constitution is unambiguous: "No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law." This is not a suggestion. It is not a guideline. It is a hard constitutional limit — and it is the cornerstone of the power of the purse, the mechanism the founders deliberately placed in the hands of the legislature to serve as the primary check on executive authority. When this power is bypassed — through emergency declarations, executive orders, or creative legal interpretations — it is not merely a policy disagreement. It is a violation of the constitutional order. But the power of the purse is not the only constitutional authority at stake. The Constitution also places the following powers squarely in the hands of Congress: The authority to set tariffs and trade policy (Article I, Section 8, Clause 1). The power to lay duties on imports belongs to the legislature. Tariffs imposed unilaterally by the executive, without congressional debate and approval, circumvent both the rule of law and the will of the people as expressed through their elected representatives. The authority to authorize military force (Article I, Section 8, Clause 11). The power to declare war is among the most consequential powers the Constitution grants — and it was granted to Congress, not the presidency. No sustained military campaign should proceed without meaningful congressional authorization, debate, and oversight. The authority to govern emergency powers. The National Emergencies Act exists for a reason: to ensure that emergency declarations do not become permanent tools for sidelining Congress. When emergencies are extended indefinitely, or when new emergencies are declared to achieve policy objectives that Congress has not approved, the liberty of the American people is placed at risk — not by a foreign threat, but by the erosion of the checks and balances designed to protect us. WHEN THE CONSTITUTIONAL REMEDY IS IMPEACHMENT The Founders did not leave Congress without recourse when the executive branch defies the Constitution. Article II, Section 4 provides that the President, Vice President, and all civil officers of the United States shall be removed from office upon impeachment for, and conviction of, "Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors." The phrase "other high Crimes and Misdemeanors" was deliberately broad. As the Founders understood it — and as history has consistently affirmed — it encompasses not only criminal offenses in the narrow legal sense, but serious abuses of power and willful violations of constitutional duty. When a President knowingly and repeatedly spends public funds without congressional appropriation, imposes tariffs without congressional authority, engages in military action without congressional authorization, and declares emergencies to circumvent the legislature — these are not mere policy disagreements. They are, by their nature, acts that strike at the constitutional foundations of this republic. And when members of the administration knowingly participate in, enable, or carry out these actions, they too bear responsibility. I am therefore asking you — plainly and directly — to consider the impeachment and removal of the President and any members of his administration who have willfully and knowingly violated the Constitution of the United States. Not because impeachment is a political tool to be wielded lightly, but precisely because it is not. It is a constitutional safeguard — the ultimate mechanism the Founders created to hold the executive accountable to the law. To refuse to use it when the grounds exist is not temperance. It is abdication. I understand that impeachment is a grave step. So is the wholesale abandonment of constitutional authority by the branch it is designed to check. Congress must weigh both realities — and act accordingly. WHAT I AM ASKING OF YOU Beyond the impeachment question, I am respectfully but firmly asking you to take concrete action on the following: First — Defend the power of the purse. Challenge any executive action that obligates, redirects, or draws from public funds without proper congressional appropriation. Demand transparency. Hold hearings. Use every legislative and oversight tool available to you. Second — Reclaim authority over tariffs and trade. Introduce or support legislation that reaffirms Congress's constitutional role in trade policy and limits the executive's ability to impose tariffs unilaterally under broad emergency or national security authorities. Third — Uphold the requirement for authorization of military force. Oppose sustained military engagements that have not been debated and authorized by this Congress. Support the repeal or sunset of outdated war authorizations that grant open-ended military authority without accountability. Fourth — Strengthen oversight of emergency declarations. Support legislation requiring mandatory congressional review periods, sunset clauses, and expedited procedures for terminating emergencies that no longer meet constitutional or legal thresholds. Fifth — Fulfill your oath. You swore an oath — not to a party, not to a president, but to the Constitution of the United States. We are asking you to honor that oath, fully and publicly, even when it is politically difficult. Especially when it is politically difficult. WHY THIS MATTERS These are not partisan demands. They are constitutional ones. The separation of powers was not written into our founding document as an afterthought — it was the deliberate architecture of a government designed to prevent the concentration of power in any single branch. When Congress cedes its authority — whether through inaction, deference, or fear — it does not simply weaken itself. It weakens the republic. We the People are not asking Congress to take sides. We are asking Congress to do its job — the job the Constitution gave it: to legislate, to appropriate, to authorize, and, when necessary, to hold the executive accountable through the tools the Founders provided. Including impeachment. The question before you is not whether these constitutional violations are happening. The record speaks for itself. The question is whether you will act — or whether you will watch, and wait, and let the republic erode on your watch. I would welcome the opportunity to discuss these concerns further and would appreciate a written response detailing the specific steps you intend to take in response. Thank you for your time and for your oath to protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.