- United States
- N.Y.
- Letter
Presidential power - take it back
To: Sen. Schumer, Sen. Gillibrand, Rep. Espaillat
From: A constituent in New York, NY
April 1
I am writing as a voter who is tired of watching Congress surrender its authority and then pretend it is powerless to act. The Constitution does not give the president sweeping authority over trade, war, emergencies, regulatory policy, or spending. Congress handed much of that authority away. Congress can take it back. You should begin immediately. This is not abstract. It is structural. The presidency has grown stronger because Congress has grown more passive. That is a choice, not an inevitability. I am asking you to support a phased legislative strategy to reclaim congressional authority, starting with powers that Congress itself delegated and can therefore restore without constitutional amendment. Phase 1: Reclaim emergency authorities Congress should amend existing emergency statutes so that emergency declarations automatically expire within 30 days unless affirmatively approved by Congress. No president should be able to govern indefinitely under emergency powers that Congress never revisits. Require clear statutory triggers before emergency authorities activate. Require public reporting on exactly which authorities are being used. End the practice of permanent rolling emergencies. Phase 2: Reclaim war powers Congress must restore its constitutional role in decisions about military engagement. Require affirmative authorization for troop deployments beyond a short defensive window. Require automatic funding cutoffs if authorization is not granted. Require public justification for continued operations. The current framework allows presidents of both parties to conduct sustained military activity with minimal accountability. That is not what the Constitution intended. Phase 3: Reclaim tariff and trade authority Congress delegated sweeping tariff authority under vague national security justifications. That delegation should be reversed. Require congressional approval before new tariffs take effect. Establish expiration timelines for unilateral tariff actions. Restore congressional responsibility over trade policy where it belongs. Phase 4: Reassert control over appropriations Congress should prohibit executive branch transfers between accounts without explicit approval. Require certification before funds are redirected from their intended purpose. Enforce consequences when spending conditions are ignored. The power of the purse is Congress’s strongest constitutional tool. It is currently underused. Phase 5: Narrow regulatory delegation Congress should stop writing vague statutes that hand agencies open ended authority to define major economic policy. Require clearer statutory limits. Require congressional review before major rules take effect. If Congress does not want to make policy decisions, it should not be surprised when the executive branch makes them instead. Phase 6: Strengthen oversight enforcement Subpoenas should be enforced. Reporting requirements should carry penalties. Inspectors general should be protected from removal without cause. Oversight is not theater. It is a constitutional obligation. Phase 7: Restore accountability for future delegations Every major delegation of authority should include expiration dates. Every emergency authority should include renewal requirements. Every transfer of discretion should include reporting obligations. Congress should stop giving away permanent authority in moments of temporary urgency. This is not a partisan issue. It is an institutional one. Presidents from both parties expand their power when Congress allows them to. Congress cannot complain about executive overreach while continuing to authorize it. I want to see legislation introduced. I want to see votes recorded. I want to know whether my representatives believe Congress should function as a coequal branch of government or as a spectator. You were elected to exercise power, not surrender it. I expect action.
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